Digital Sovereignty or Digital Dependence? Cyprus at a Policy Crossroads in Technology and Education

Note on Context

This reflection is written at a time of growing geopolitical instability and escalating violence, including a turn toward militarisation within EU policy and deepening global alliances around defence and surveillance technologies. While the original impetus for this article was the deepening tech diplomacy between Cyprus and the United States—with a focus on the education sector—the broader political environment now calls for heightened caution.

In this climate, digital policy cannot be separated from the larger questions of sovereignty, justice, and peace. As such, this article takes a critical stance not only toward the risks of technological dependency on U.S. corporations but also toward elements of EU policy that increasingly align with militarised and extractive logics. Our hope is to situate Cyprus’s digital and educational transformation within a wider conversation about autonomy, ethics, and the role of public institutions in times of crisis.

Introduction

In recent months, the Republic of Cyprus has intensified its diplomatic and economic outreach to the United States, seeking to expand collaborations across a range of strategic sectors. This effort has been represented at the highest levels of state, including public statements and visits from President Nikos Christodoulides and key officials such as Irini Piki, the President’s Deputy Minister. These moves aim to foster new partnerships in defense, innovation, and particularly, education and digital transformation.

This letter takes Cyprus’s educational transformation as a focal point—because schools are where infrastructure, values, and sovereignty converge most visibly. While this momentum is presented as necessary modernisation, it risks embedding Cyprus within a system of technological dependence—or techno-feudalism—where critical national infrastructure becomes controlled by a few powerful corporate entities rather than citizens or democratic institutions. This raises urgent questions about national sovereignty, public accountability, and the protection of cultural and educational autonomy.

Given that in what follows we discuss the dangers and risks of unquestioningly jumping into collaborations with U.S.-owned Big Tech, it is important to be clear from the start: There is a lot of positive, transparency- and accountability-oriented innovation in the U.S. that we can take on and learn from. This is not about rejecting high-tech collaborations with Silicon Valley. Rather, it is about encouraging our policy-makers to negotiate them wisely, with a clear understanding of the costs, trade-offs, risks, and viable alternatives –particularly those that avoid cultivating dependence on Big Tech controlled by foreign states or powerful individuals.

We certainly can’t avoid tech deals with the U.S., and diplomacy remains essential. Many critical systems already rely on infrastructure provided by Silicon Valley firms. The urgency lies in ensuring that our policy-makers follow a smarter negotiation checklist as they lay the foundations for the future. It is equally vital to acknowledge the existence of alternative paths and to incorporate EU tech-policy directives focused on digital sovereignty into our decision-making process.

Our goal in this document is not to take an alarmist critical position that will halt progress, but to bring forward clear recommendations. We wish to:
 – Issue a call for democratic oversight in Cyprus’s digital transition
– To highlighting the need to consider emergent EU-tech policy debates 
– To clarify the significance of Free/Libre and Open Source Software policy towards digital sovereignty. and 
– Introduce alternative visions to counter dystopian trajectories. 

Overview of the Current Diplomatic Developments

In a recent interview published in Philenews (April 2025), Irini Piki underscored the significance of newly opened channels of communication with the United States, indicating that strategic collaborations are being cultivated in several areas, including the education sector. Concurrently, President Christodoulides has met with tech giants such as Oracle and NVIDIA to discuss their possible involvement in Cyprus’s educational and technological transformation.

Contextualising within U.S. and E.U. Policy Developments: Cyprus’s Tech Alliances Under Scrutiny

Recent developments in U.S. policy have come under increasing scrutiny both domestically and internationally. Critics point to a growing trend of tech-exceptionalism, where Big Tech corporations are granted significant influence over public infrastructure and education, often with limited public oversight. The concentration of power in the hands of a few tech giants has raised alarms over privacy, surveillance, and democratic accountability.

This isn’t a new issue. There has been a concentrated effort in the EU to push back against over-dependence on Big Tech / U.S. technology providers. Countries such as France, Germany, Spain and Sweden have taken strong stances promoting data sovereignty and investment in domestic digital infrastructure, along with countries such as Brazil, Canada, China, South Korea and India among others (Bwalya, T. et al, 2019). The EU’s Digital Strategy emphasises the need for digital sovereignty, prioritising open standards, interoperability, and investment in European tech ecosystems.[FOOTNOTE: Legislative frameworks, such as the Digital Markets Act (which aims to regulate the gatekeeper power of the largest digital companies) and the Digital Services Act (which focuses on strengthening consumer protection for digital services and products) seek to ensure fair competition, data protection, and user rights.] The AI Act further outlines conditions for the ethical use of artificial intelligence, placing emphasis on transparency, accountability, and fundamental rights.

President Christodoulides’s meetings with firms such as Oracle, NVIDIA, and Plug and Play suggest a state-led vision of Cyprus as a digitally driven, globally integrated economy. However, these companies carry strategic agendas that raise critical concerns:
– Oracle specializes in enterprise software and cloud services, often associated with proprietary infrastructure and vendor lock-in. Their interest in educational partnerships risks embedding closed systems into public institutions, threatening long-term autonomy and data governance.
– NVIDIA is a global leader in AI and high-performance computing. While their tools can support innovation, their integration into public systems raises questions about the transparency, fairness, and ecological footprint of AI-driven infrastructures.
– Plug and Play focuses on building global startup ecosystems. Its presence could spur entrepreneurial growth but also potentially undermine local innovation efforts by promoting rapid, market-driven tech development over slow, community-based solutions.

These companies may seem to offer efficiency and scale, but not necessarily sustainability, inclusiveness, or public accountability. Aligning with EU digital policy frameworks is our best bet towards safeguarding public interest and democratic oversight.

The Cyprus Being Envisioned: A Critical Reflection

The nature of these collaborations suggests a Cyprus envisioned as a regional tech hub, deeply enmeshed in Silicon Valley’s logic of innovation. This vision promotes digital modernisation, startup ecosystems, and AI integration—but at what cost?

The discourse and vision being promoted can be described as one that:
– Sacrifices sovereignty over infrastructure: reliance on foreign-owned platforms and cloud services risks ceding control over critical infrastructure.
– Gives up on educational autonomy: implies a shift toward data-driven, standardised education without consideration of progressive pedagogical values.
– Comes at a democratic deficit: these partnerships have been negotiated without civic consultation, without transparency, and without earning public trust.
– Appears rooted in foreign techno-solutionism and risks erasing place-based knowledge, values, and cultural specificity.
– Suffers from ecological blindness: AI and cloud technologies are resource-intensive and rarely aligned with climate-resilient or low-tech local needs.

This model of transformation reflects a narrow elite vision—digitally ambitious but socially and ecologically blind. The challenge is not whether Cyprus should innovate, but how, for whom, and under whose control.

Tech Diplomacy in the Classroom: Risks to Educational Autonomy

Sure, partnerships with Big Tech could bring state-of-the-art tools and resources to Cyprus, aiding in digital literacy and innovation and can boast educational modernisation and alignment with global trends. And yes, positioning Cyprus as a regional hub for technology and innovation may attract investment and create job opportunities.

But the risks are greater than the supposed benefits. The uncritical top-down introduction of proprietary and dependency-creating technologies and frameworks may worsen our already strained educational system—especially if introduced without considering alternatives such as solutions from the Free/Libre, Open Source, and non-exploitative technology movements, or without respecting people’s right to opt out and make low-tech and degrowth-oriented choices—such as prioritising in-person teaching, using analogue learning materials, or investing in community-based knowledge systems that reduce environmental and cognitive overload.

Collaborations with companies such as Oracle and NVIDIA raise concerns over data protection, particularly given the EU’s strict GDPR regulations. There is insufficient public debate about how student and educator data will be used, stored, and governed. Decisions in this area appear to be taken without broad-based consultation or transparency. A lack of stakeholder engagement, especially from educators, parents, and students, undermines the legitimacy of potential reforms in this area.

Public Policy Implications: A Call for Democratic Oversight in Cyprus’s Digital Transition

Any international agreement or procurement affecting public education must be subject to public scrutiny and democratic processes. Cyprus should establish clear, binding guidelines for the ethical use of AI and digital infrastructure in schools, ideally aligned with European public digital values. Education is where democratic accountability is most needed, and where digital decisions will shape a generation’s relationship to knowledge, authority, and participation. Investment in domestic research and development capabilities should accompany foreign partnerships, ensuring that Cyprus retains expertise and decision-making power. Any technology introduced into schools must be evaluated in terms of its compatibility with child development principles, educational psychology, and cultural context.

The current diplomatic initiatives with the United States represent a potential turning point for Cyprus’s educational and technological future. Let’s ensure that these changes serve the public interest rather than corporate agendas, they must be guided by transparency, ethical foresight, and inclusive decision-making. A national dialogue—rooted in the principles of educational sovereignty, democratic participation, and cultural respect—is urgently needed before irreversible commitments are made. We urge the government of Cyprus to pause, call for consultation, and take great caution regarding the terms and transparency of its engagements with Big Tech. Only with broad civic participation—such as transparent public consultations, educator and parent advisory councils, and citizen-led oversight mechanisms—can we ensure that modernisation does not come at the expense of autonomy and justice.

References

• Αγγελοδήμου, Ά. (2025, April 9). Είδε τους κολοσσούς Oracle και NVIDIA ο Πρόεδρος Χριστοδουλίδης στις ΗΠΑ. Philenews. https://www.philenews.com/oikonomia/kypros/article/1573780/ide-tous-kolossous-oracle-ke-nvidia-o-proedros-christodoulidis-stis-ipa/

• Blancato, F. G. (2023). The cloud sovereignty nexus: How the European Union seeks to reverse strategic dependencies in its digital ecosystem. https://doi.org/10.1002/poi3.358

• Biström, D., Kuvaja Adolfsson, K., & Stocchetti, M. (2024). Open-Source Software and Digital Sovereignty (pp. 106–113). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-61891-8_10 

• Bwalya, T., Akakandelwa, A., & Dobreva-McPherson, M. (2019). Adoption and Use of Free and Open Source Software (FOSS) Globally: An Overview and Analysis of Selected Countries. 3. https://zajlis.unza.zm/index.php/journal/article/view/34

• Δαλίτης, Φ. (2025, April 13). Ειρήνη Πική: Άνοιξαν νέοι διάυλοι επικοινωνίας για νέες στρατηγικές συνεργασίες με ΗΠΑ. Philenews. https://www.philenews.com/politiki/article/1574656/irini-piki-anixan-nei-diavli-epikinonias-gia-nees-stratigikes-sinergasies-me-ipa/

• Digital Markets Act. (2025, May 13). https://digital-markets-act.ec.europa.eu/index_en

• EU AI Act: First regulation on artificial intelligence. (2023, August 6). Topics | European Parliament. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/topics/en/article/20230601STO93804/eu-ai-act-first-regulation-on-artificial-intelligence

• The EU’s Digital Services Act. (2022, October 27). https://commission.europa.eu/strategy-and-policy/priorities-2019-2024/europe-fit-digital-age/digital-services-act_en

• Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MeitY), Government of India. (2023). Digital India Act 2023 – Framework Consultation. https://www.meity.gov.in/

• Ministério da Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação (MCTI), Brasil. (2023). Brazil launches National Digital Sovereignty Plan. https://www.gov.br/mcti/pt-br

• Nagle, F. (2023). Government IT Procurement Policy & Firm Behavior: Evidence from a French Open Source Software Policy. Proceedings – Academy of Management, 2023(1). https://doi.org/10.5465/amproc.2023.13046abstract

Signatures
[to co-develop / co-sign, email c@neeii.info]

Chrystalleni Loizidou
Brno University of Technology & NGI0 Regional Representative

Panis Pieri
Tech blogger and Founder at Panis.News 

Dimitris Themistokleous 

Marios Isaakidis
101.cy

Izzeddin 

Nicolina Markidou,
Teacher in Secondary Education